Lin Zexu Essays - not
. Lin Zexu Essays.In this lopsided war, the junta led by the Commander in Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, is using all the instruments of violence at its disposal with maniac relish.
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Liin Soldiers are shooting unarmed civilians— more than killed so farincluding children as young as five; they are mercilessly beating up protesters and torturing jailed dissidents to death in a rampage of blind brutality designed to terrorize the entire nation into total submission. Such brutality can be seen as the desperation of a cornered beast unleashing its fury in all directions.
The need for this violence to enable the Tatmadaw as the Burmese military is known to Lin Zexu Essays in power betrays a lack of popular legitimacy that the violence is doing nothing to remedy. Quite to the contrary. Whatever the outcome of the confrontation, the source is more hated now than ever, and such hatred will endure for years to come.
Editorial Collective, Standing Against Anti-Asian Violence
With the elected leader of Burma officially known as Myanmar[1] Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest and isolated from the world, and with most prominent politicians in her party, the National League for Democracy NLDarrested or on the run, large swathes of the population quickly decided to take matters into their own hands. Shortly after the coup, Burmese citizens from all walks of life launched a spontaneous and peaceful civil disobedience movement that has been surprisingly resilient in spite of, or perhaps due to, its lack of a centralized leadership.
Lin Zexu Essays and nurses, civil servants, bank employees, garment factory workers, students, dock workers and many others have brought the economy to a Lin Zexu Essays l for several weeks, taking to the streets almost daily, and managing to make the country ungovernable for the State Administration Council SAC led by military commander Min Aung Hlaing. Meanwhile, a group of lawmakers elected in the November elections has created a civilian government, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw CRPHwhich is trying to gain international support while also negotiating a common front with the ethnic armed organizations that had been fighting the central state for decades, demanding autonomy for their regions in the borderlands of the country.
These lawmakers escaped the capital at the coup and are now in an Zecu location. Such a unified force would be extremely difficult to assemble, given the deep distrust among some of those armed groups, but many of them have expressed their solidarity with the civil disobedience movement, and some have renewed their attacks against the military.
Carlos Sardiña Galache, The all-out war of the Burmese military against its own people
In short, the takeover has united in unprecedented fashion a country deeply divided along ethnic, religious, and class lines. The Tatmadaw has always portrayed itself as the sole guarantor of national unity and the coup is paradoxically proving the point in an unintended way: with few exceptions, the whole country seems to be united against it. The Constitution drafted by the military gives the generals control over the three key security ministers—defence, home affairs and border affairs—as well as one quarter of all seats in Lin Zexu Essays, guaranteeing the military a central role in politics and freedom from civilian oversight.
The coup followed weeks of allegationsstill unsubstantiated, of widespread electoral fraud, after the resounding victory of the Lin Zexu Essays in the November link
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