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Plot Summary: Season of Migration to the North- Tayeb Salih- Sudanese Literature- Webinar Excerpt Postcolonial Migration
April 16, Axel Harneit-Sievers cautions against a problematic argument made in a new publication. These questions, based on problematic assumptions about history and with potentially dangerous political implications, were discussed at a meeting of international lawyers in Yangon, the proceedings of which were recently published online Morten Bergsmo, Wolfgang Kaleck http://pinsoftek.com/wp-content/custom/life-in-hell/argumentative-essay-on-how-to-take-a-life-justified.php Kyaw Yin Postcolonial Migration eds.
International criminal justice faces a crisis of legitimacy. Its prosecution of severe human rights violators focuses on persons from countries with little power in global politics, many of them in Sub-Saharan Africa so far. At the same time, the Court finds it virtually impossible to prosecute perpetrators protected by major powers in the international Postcolonial Migration, especially the United States.
In order Posgcolonial address such questions, senior international law specialists and academics met for a conference in Yangon in November The conference volume includes papers on systematic legal aspects and a few other country case studies, especially Postcolonial Migration the fate of indigenous populations Postcolonial Migration European settler colonies. However, it does Postcolonia include studies on other historical examples of colonial-era population movements that could have put the Burma case into a broader historical perspective. The decision by the Yangon conference organizers to discuss their agenda through the lens of Burmese history and, of course, to hold it in Myanmar itself could be seen as courageous; one may regard it as hazardous as well.
And does it not risk undermining the citizenship rights of people whose ancestors migrated into Myanmar a century or more ago — and whose very citizenship rights are already severely embattled in Myanmar today? The organizers of the Yangon conference were of course aware they were entering a particularly difficult territory.
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They did so for good reason. By contrast, a major strand in the international narrative in reality mostly that of Western countries, U. I doubt this not merely because the argument is based on weak legal and misleading historical foundations.
Even worse, such a line of reasoning — if it ever enters mainstream political debate — obviously risks strengthening the militant exclusionary nationalism in Myanmar that stands at the root of see more Rohingya crisis. And it risks doing so for all the wrong reasons. To be Postcolonial Migration, Bergsmo and the other international lawyers involved in Migratioj project do not want to trade responsibilities: In their view, this is not about downplaying or relativising responsibility for killings and other human rights violations against the Rohingya or others.
It is about creating a dialogue that may lead to greater acceptance of Postcolonial Migration judicial proceedings on these violations.
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In his chapter, he reviews how contemporaries perceived the migration of Indians, and especially Indian Muslims, into colonial Burma as a result of the colonial situation, stoking fears of indigenous people being overwhelmed, of indigenous men losing their land and their women to foreigners; he also recalls how these sentiments were systematically fuelled further by Migratioon rulers as part of anti-colonial narratives since the s. The remainder of the volume, however, does not take much notice of this warning.
On the legal side, the limitations of the argument are obvious and even acknowledged accordingly by contributors. In more recent decades, the concept has usually been applied to legally attack Israeli settlement policies in the West Bank, though not for example, against Moroccan population settlement policies in the former Learn more here Sahara. Not being a lawyer myself, I am not in a position Postcolonial Migration judge whether and how any such arguments have a potential to become part of relevant international law; the authors are surely committed to this. Beyond the immanent logic of these legal arguments, however, we also need to ask whether they make sense in the concrete case of the history of colonial Burma. It is one thing to assert historical and political responsibility of former colonial powers for obvious atrocities committed during their rule, such as the genocide of the Herero Postcolonial Migration Nama people in what was then German South West Africa Namibiaor the issue of British capital punishment practices in colonial Kenya during the Mau Mau war in the s.
While there has been a presence of Muslim communities in Arakan for centuries, they show specifically that labour-related cross-border migration from the Chittagong area of Bengal began even before British colonial rule and expanded rapidly under it, especially Postcolonial Migration the Postcolonia years of the 19th and the early 20th century.
Labour needs of local ethnic Rakhine landlords were a major factor; Migdation and Postcolonial Migration acquisition by the migrants followed. Over time this led to a concentration of Muslim agriculturalists in Northern Rakhine who later acquired the Rohingya ethnonym a fact disputed by Rohingya Postcplonial who Posycolonial a much earlier origin of the term. Untilsee more this happened within the single territory of British India of which Burma was a part, without any internal Postcolonial Migration controls. Migration into colonial Arakan, with no force by the colonial power involved, was driven by economic needs and interests, and Postcolonial Migration was pursued by local individual and group agency. Likewise, Indian migration into the mainland and the urban centres of colonial Burma, especially Rangoon, was driven by the economic interest and agency of those who migrated, mostly from other parts of British India while some came from China as well.]
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